And, of course, the tried and true device of the "Common Enemy" - in America these were the oil barons of the Middle East, who threatened to sanctity of the Big American Car; in Europe the immigrants, who threatened "the culture."
 Antonio Gramsci, The Antonio Gramsci Reader, Selected Writings 1916 - 1935, ed. David Forgacs. (New York: Schocken, 1988) pp.222 - 225. Gramsci avoids the reductionism of liberalism, which wants to see civil society as one of individual freedom, entirely separate from the State, and the reductionism of the hard-line Left and philosophy of Althusser, which holds that everything in capitalist society belongs to the State and serves its interests, a view Gramsci would have recognised as also being that of fascists like Giovanni Gentile.
 Theodore Adorno, Minima Moralia; reflections from damaged life. Trans. EFN Jephcott. (London: New Left Books, 1974.); Also "Adorno" in Fifty Key Contemporary Thinkers: from structuralism to postmodernity. John Lechte (London: Routledge, 1994) pp. 177 - 181.
 Chtcheglov, "Formulary for a new urbanism" (October 1953) in Situationist International Anthology ed. and trans. Ken Knabb. Berkeley: Bureau of Public Secrets, 1981. p.3. 14 This is the closing line of his major work, The Revolution of Everyday Life, also published in 1967.
 See the January-February issue of the Utne Reader, a compilation magazine from the alternative press (also a website at www.utne.com) gleaned from around the English-speaking world: a section headed "How to Media-Proof Your Life."
 In Paris in the Revolutionary era, W. Scott Haine has found that the role of the cafe was significant in radical politics from 1789 through to at least the Second Empire. Cafe society, he finds, was about ideas, and was the most radical sphere of Parisian life, above the "low" milieu of the tavern, which revolved around drink, and the "high" milieu of the salon, which revolved around manners and presentation. W. Scott Haine. "Cafe Politics in Paris, 1789 - 1851" Consortium 1988 305 - 20. This tradition seems to go on right through to the 1950s and 60s - Greil Marcus describes how the Lettrist International used to meet at Moineau's Cafe on the Left Bank in the early 50's (Greil Marcus, Lipstick Traces, 376-382). 5 Alison Hutt, The Changing Newspaper. p.17.
 I write of my experience witnessing the war while in Canada, where it was universally unpopular. During the same period I visited the United States, where cynicism and disgust had not set in, and people were waving flags all over the place calling for the death of Saddam Hussein. In Canada, we relied on US television in the initial phase of the war, as Canadian television did not have the resources CNN and the US networks do. As the war progressed, however, some Canadian programmes were broadcast which were critical of the war and which challenged American versions of events. Douglas Kellner, Media Culture, pp. 198 - 228, describes the process of creating the Gulf War reportage for American television
 Norris, Christopher. Uncritical Theory: Postmodernism, Intellectuals and the Gulf War, London: Lawrence and Wishart 1992. Baudrillard is one of the main philosophical spokesmen for the "post-modern," as he believes that the commodity system has taken on a life of its own, and the distinctions between reality and illusion, between society and spectacle, have imploded, leaving us only "hyperreality" to contend with. Baudrillard obviously owes a lot to Situationism for his analysis, but he wants to go further and deny the lurking existence of "authentic" everyday life, which Vaneigem and the others urged as essential to recapture. Baudrillard argued that the Situationist analysis, as a modernist analysis dependent upon notions of history, reality and interpretation, was obsolete in the face of simulation and hyperreality. Later, Debord, troubled by the problem of recuperation, and generally disillusioned, moved to a Baudrillardian position, but Raoul Vaneigem continues to maintain a modernist stance (Debord, Comments on the Society of the Spectacle, (London: Verso, 1990; Vaneigem's 1991 introduction to the first paperback edition of The Revolution of Everyday Life) Steven Best, "The Commodification of Reality and the Reality of Commodification: Baudrillard, Debord and Postmodern Theory" in Baudrillard, A Critical Reader, ed. Douglas Kellner, Oxford: Blackwell, 1994.
 In the event, a lack of any credible opposition candidate means that Chretien and his party are going to win the election, and the CBC's audience will have to make do with fewer original programmes, more US buy-ins, more advertising.
 See, for example, Ferdinand Braudel's study of early modern Europe, Civilisation and Capitalism. Jon Dovey says of McLuhan "his work stands in a similar relation as Baudrillard's in our own period, powerfully resonant without being in the least use to anyone actually producing in the field. ( see below p.115)
 As with much of the material in this chapter, this assertion is based on interviews. Informal surveys conducted at the University of Westminster and at a squat centre in Hackney revealed that well over 90 per cent of the people questioned felt there was no point in voting, that all the parties/candidates were the same, and that nothing could change through the political system.
 The public response to the road protesters "Swampy" and "Animal" and the the others who tunnelled deep beneath the protest site could be read as a sea-change in attitudes to alternative culture activists. Even no less an Establishment figure as A.N. Wilson praised them from his Evening Standard pulpit.
 "McJob" - phrase coined by Doug Coupland in his brilliantly incisive novel Generation X, to describe a low-paid low-satisfaction service industry job usually held by a college graduate who was brought up with much higher expectations.
 Crimewatch, You've Been Framed, Video Diaries, Emergency 999, Takeover TV, Caught on Camera - just a few examples of current camcorder-generated programming; In America the long-running series Hardcopy, A Current Affair and Inside Edition, which specialise in gossip and seediness, all use primarily camcorder footage.
 It must be recognised that there are potential benefits as well as dangers in mass media controlled by a few large cultural producers. Perhaps globalisation of culture can help to eradicate ethnic and nationalist hatred; it is true that the concentration of money in large organisations allows more research and development. And the propaganda put out by Murdoch and Disney is not the kind of propaganda put out by fascist regimes. But still, we have to weigh these benefits against the question of whether we want to have a voice in what kind of ideas and information we have access to, and if this kind of media allows us to do so.
 The combination of 1994 Criminal Justice Act and Michael Howard's increase in prison facilities combine to create a climate of coercion, though the inefficiency of the system makes it less oppressive than it seems.